BURKINA FASO
Legal framework on freedom of religion and actual application
The constitution of Burkina Faso, originally adopted in 1991 and amended in 2015, underwent further revision in October 2022 with the adoption of a transitional charter introduced by the newly appointed transitional President, Ibrahim Traoré.[1] Traoré also announced a “partial modification” of the constitution, which he criticised as representing “the views of a handful of enlightened individuals” rather than those of “the popular masses”. Additional amendments were approved in December 2023[2] and again in May[3] and October 2024.[4]
These revisions primarily concerned the country’s institutional framework and did not affect the constitutional provisions on freedom of religion. The constitution continues to define Burkina Faso as a secular Republic that grants no special privileges to any religious denomination and guarantees full freedom of religion to its citizens.
Article 1 prohibits discrimination based on religion stating: “Discrimination of all sorts, notably those founded on race, ethnicity, region, colour, sex, language, religion, caste, political opinions, wealth and birth, are prohibited.”[5]
Article 7 guarantees freedom of religion declaring: “The freedom of belief, of non-belief, of conscience, of religious opinion, [of] philosophy, of exercise of belief, the freedom of assembly, the free practice of custom as well as the freedom of procession and of demonstration, are guaranteed by this Constitution, under reserve of respect for the law, for public order, for good morals and for the human person.”[6]
Article 23 defines the family as the “basic unit of society” and bans discrimination on religious grounds “in matters of marriage”, which must be based “on the free consent” of both spouses and must be free of discrimination “based on race, colour, religion, ethnicity, caste, social origin, [and] fortune”.[7]
Religious communities can register with the authorities through the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralisation, which oversees religious affairs, but they are not obliged to do so. Registration is subject to the same legal requirements as those that apply to other registered organisations.[8]
Religious instruction is not permitted in state-run schools, but there are Muslim, Catholic, and Protestant primary and secondary private schools and some higher education institutions. Educational institutions have free rein in personnel matters, although the appointment of headteachers must be reported to the authorities. The State reviews the curricula of schools sponsored by religious communities with an eye on their religious orientation and their compliance with the standard academic curriculum. In the case of Qur‘anic schools, State control is not particularly effective since most of them are not registered.[9]
In 2023, the government allocated $127,000 each to Muslim, Catholic, Protestant, and animist communities, but none had received the funding by the end of the year.[10] The support was supposed to demonstrate equitable treatment of different religious groups.
On 11 October 2024, in Ouagadougou, the Holy See and Burkina Faso signed the Second Additional Protocol to their 2019 agreement on the legal status of the Catholic Church. Entering into force immediately, the protocol facilitates the recognition of public canonical juridical persons under Burkinabé law, allowing the issue of legal personality certificates. The measure aims to strengthen the Church’s mission and contribution to the common good.[11] The original agreement — signed at the Vatican on 12 July 2019 and in force since its ratification on 7 September 2020 — recognised the Catholic Church and its institutions as subject to public law and outlined the framework for cooperation between Church and State.[12]
Incidents and developments
Once considered a model of interreligious harmony in West Africa, Burkina Faso has faced a sharp deterioration in security since late 2015, emerging as one of the main epicentres of jihadist violence in the Sahel. Initially infiltrating the North of the country from neighbouring Mali, extremist groups have progressively extended their presence across the western, central, and eastern regions.[13]
Among the groups active in the area are the Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP) and Jama‘at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), the latter affiliated with al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). In 2023, Burkina Faso ranked as the country most affected by terrorism globally, according to the Global Terrorism Index — a position it retained in 2024.[14]
Multiple jihadist factions now operate nationwide, with JNIM being by far the most dominant, followed by ISWAP and Ansarul Islam. While maintaining connections with transnational jihadist networks, these groups engage in hybrid forms of violence that blend ideological extremism with localised insurgency, and organised crime. The conflict has further intensified due to confrontations between these armed groups and state forces, including the army and the pro-government militia known as the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDP).[15]
In 2024, Burkina Faso accounted for one-fifth of global terrorism-related deaths, with most attacks concentrated in the northern and eastern regions near the Niger border. Of the country’s 1,532 fatalities, 682 occurred in the regions of center-north and East, with center-north reporting the highest toll. The deadliest attack, carried out by JNIM, took place in the village of Barsalogho, some 80 km (50 miles) from the capital. It targeted civilians who, following warnings from the army,[16] were attacked while digging trenches without protection. The jihadists killed an estimated 600 people[17] later falsely claiming that their victims were combatants.[18]
In many rural areas, jihadist groups continue to control vast territories and are increasingly putting pressure on urban centres that were previously less affected.
The situation is further aggravated by ongoing political instability, which began after the ousting of President Blaise Compaoré in 2014 and deepened following two coups in 2022, the second of which brought interim President Captain Ibrahim Traoré to power. As a student he had belonged to a Marxist association, and after seizing control of the country has become an articulate proponent of Pan-Africanism and “anti-imperialist” ideology.[19]
Burkina Faso has realigned its international partnerships, distancing itself from traditional Western allies in favour of closer ties with countries such as China and Russia. This geopolitical shift became more pronounced when the military governments of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger jointly withdrew from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which had suspended Burkina Faso in January 2022 following the coup led by Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba.[20] In July 2024, the three countries formalised their alliance by establishing the “Confederation of Sahel States”, aimed at promoting regional integration through the creation of an investment bank and mechanisms for the free movement of people, goods, and services. This followed the September 2023 formation of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), a joint defence pact intended to coordinate counterterrorism efforts across the region.[21] In December 2024, Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger announced a six-month transition period for their withdrawal from ECOWAS, setting the effective date as 29 July 2025 while maintaining 29 January as the official departure date. Despite ECOWAS attempts to reverse the decision during a summit in Abuja, the three military-led governments reaffirmed their exit — marking a significant geopolitical shift in the Sahel and a turn toward closer ties with Russia.[22]
Numerous attacks during the reporting period targeted both military and civilian populations, including religious communities. Violence also involved the abduction and killing of religious leaders. The following examples illustrate — though do not exhaust — the severity and scope of these incidents.
On 2 January 2023, Fr. Jacques Yaro Zerbo, a 66-year-old priest of the Diocese of Dédougou, was ambushed and killed by unidentified armed men while travelling on the Dédougou–Gassan road. According to Bishop Prosper Bonaventure Ky, the attack occurred in one of the most violence-affected regions of Burkina Faso and was perpetrated by terrorists. The assailants also stole his vehicle. Local authorities noted that he was at least the fourth priest killed in the area.[23]
On 11 January 2023, jihadist militants attacked the Ahmadiyya mosque in Goulgountou, Sahel Region, Burkina Faso. Arriving on motorcycles during evening prayers, the assailants forced entry, separated nine elderly worshippers — including 67-year-old Imam Alhaj Boureima Bidiga — and executed them for refusing to renounce their faith. According to survivors, the imam’s final words were: “If you wish to take my head off, then you can, but it is not possible for me to denounce Islam Ahmadiyyat.” The attackers then warned the remaining worshippers that reopening the mosque would result in death.[24]
In October 2023, terrorists forced the Christian population of Débé, a village in north-western Burkina Faso, to flee after issuing a 72-hour ultimatum. The order came after two young people belonging to the scouts were killed inside the village church for being part of a group banned by the jihadists and for ignoring an order to keep out of an area which the jihadists controlled. Bishop Prosper B. Ky of Dédougou called the event unprecedented: “Up until now the whole village was driven out, not just the members of a particular religion.”[25]
On 25 February 2024, dozens were killed in a mosque attack in the town of Natiaboani, in the eastern region of Burkina Faso, where multiple armed groups are active. The attack took place during early-morning prayers, and authorities confirmed the victims were mostly Muslim men. Islamist fighters reportedly surrounded the mosque and also targeted local soldiers and a self-defence militia. Local media described a massive assault by insurgents on motorbikes wielding machine guns. Among those shot, was “an important religious leader”.[26] Soldiers and members of the Volunteers for the Defense of the Homeland (VDP), a militia supporting the army, were also targeted “by these hordes who came in large numbers”. The source described it as a “large-scale attack” due to the high number of assailants, who also caused significant damage.[27]
On the same day as the mosque attack, at least 15 civilians were killed and two others wounded in an assault on a Catholic church during Sunday Mass in Essakane in the Diocese of Diori, located in the “three borders” zone near Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger. Fr. Jean-Pierre Sawadogo, vicar of the Dori diocese, confirmed the assault as a “terrorist attack” during prayers. Several military units were also targeted across the east and north of Burkina Faso. Security sources reported that hundreds of insurgents were neutralised in response. Mosques and imams have previously been targeted by jihadists, with more than 20,000 deaths and over two million displaced due to the violence.[28]
Bishop Justin Kientega of Ouahigouya described a brutal attack on a Sunday morning Celebration of the Word, during which 12 people — including two children aged four and fourteen — were killed. He recounted how armed extremists typically arrive on motorbikes, impose strict rules such as banning schools and enforcing Islamic dress codes, and sometimes carry out public executions to spread fear. In many areas, residents are ordered to abandon their homes permanently. Christians, already a minority, face particularly harsh restrictions: in some villages, they may pray but are forbidden to hold catechism classes; in others, worship is entirely banned. As a result, many have fled. In Bishop Kientega’s diocese, two parishes have closed due to insecurity, and two more remain completely inaccessible.[29]
Terrorist violence has severely disrupted Church life in Burkina Faso, leading to the suspension of numerous pastoral activities. As of February 2024, the Bishops’ Conference of Burkina Faso and Niger reported that at least 30 parishes had been closed, especially in the northern and eastern regions.[30] With armed groups controlling 40 to 50 percent of the country, diocesan activities are mostly confined to provincial capitals. In the Diocese of Dori, for example, three of six parishes have been shut down. According to Bishop Laurent Dabiré, parishioners often ask priests to leave once an area becomes too dangerous.[31]
In April 2024, catechist Edouard Zoetyenga Yougbare was abducted and killed near Saatenga, in the Diocese of Fada N’Gourma, eastern Burkina Faso. According to local sources, the killing was linked to a land dispute with a group of Fulani herdsmen rather than religious motives. Several others were also taken by the armed group, including another catechist, Jean Marie Yougbare, who was briefly detained and later released after the attackers realised that he had welcomed them into his house during a thunderstorm.[32]
In late August 2024, at least 100 villagers and soldiers were killed in central Burkina Faso when JNIM fighters attacked Barsalogho commune, about 80 km (50 miles) from the capital. The assault, one of the deadliest of the year, targeted villagers who had been forced to dig trenches for security forces. Al-Qaida claimed responsibility, stating it had gained “total control over a militia position” in Kaya, a strategic town for counterinsurgency efforts. Videos analyzed by a security specialist showed bodies piled near the trenches.[33]
Only a day after the Barsalogho massacre, jihadists killed 26 people in a church in the village of Sanaba, in the Diocese of Nouna, in western Burkina Faso. On 25 August 2024, insurgents surrounded the village, assembled the population and separated out all males over the age of 12 who were Christians (Catholics and Protestants), practitioners of traditional religions, or considered hostile to jihadist ideology. These 26 men were taken to a nearby Protestant church and executed by throat-slitting. In the following days, jihadists also targeted three nearby Catholic parishes, prompting the flight of around 5,000 women and children to Nouna. Between May and August 2024, approximately 100 Christians were reportedly killed in the Zekuy-Doumbala pastoral region, with others abducted.[34]
A September 2024 Human Rights Watch report highlighted escalating Islamist violence in Burkina Faso, with armed groups linked to ISIS and al-Qaeda “massacring villagers, displaced people, and Christian worshippers.”[35]
Human Rights Watch has meanwhile recorded large-scale massacres of civilians by the army. In February 2024, 223 civilians, including at least 56 children, were killed in the villages of Soro and Nondin.[36] A survivor said the army had accused villagers of failing to inform them about jihadist movements. In May 2025, at least 130 more died in a massacre by Burkinabé special forces near the western town of Solezno.[37]
Because JNIM has recruited many Fulani to its ranks, the junta-backed Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland have targeted and killed Fulani civilians in the capital Ouagadougou and in the second city Bobo-Dioulasso, as well as slaughtering 31 members of Fulani families in the northwestern town of Nouna.[38]
It is likely that further atrocities have been carried out by the army and its allied militia, given the way the junta has attempted to impose a news blackout, expelling journalists and blocking news agencies, especially those which have reported on the execution of civilians by the army. In March 2023, the government suspended the broadcasts of France 24 “until further notice”, having already suspended those of Radio France International in December 2022. The moves were denounced by Reporters Without Borders as “a new attack on the freedom to inform”.[39]
In April 2023, the government gave two journalists – Sophie Douce from Le Monde and Agnes Faivre from Libération – 24 hours to leave the country. Libération had been investigating a video which showed children and teenagers being executed at a military barracks, with at least one solider evidently unhappy about what was happening.[40] Aljazeera carried a comment from Reporters Without Borders saying that the government was targeting the media to “camouflage its abuses”.[41]
In April 2024, following the massacres by the army in Soko and Nondin, the junta suspended access to news networks which had covered the story, including Deutsche Welle, Le Monde, The Guardian, TV5 Monde, the BBC and Voice of America.[42]
On Sunday, 6 October 2024, jihadists attacked the town of Manni in Burkina Faso’s East Region, targeting a market where many Christians had gathered after Mass. The violence continued over three days, including assaults on hospital staff and a massacre of men remaining in the town. Local sources estimate over 150 civilians — both Christian and Muslim — were killed. Bishop Pierre Claver Malgo of Fada N’Gourma condemned the atrocity as “barbaric”, lamenting the assault on human dignity and urging the faithful to remain united and hopeful.[43]
On 25 January 2025, four catechists from the parish of Ouakara, in the Diocese of Dédougou, were ambushed near Bondokuy while returning from a training session on catechetical ministry. The group was travelling on two motorcycles when two armed men attacked; the catechists on the first motorcycle managed to flee into the forest, while the other two were later found brutally murdered. The police commissioner of Bondokuy reported that this marked the fourth such killing in the area, attributing the violence to armed bandits attempting to pose as terrorists in order to justify their attacks and spread fear among the population.[44]
Despite ongoing extremist violence, there were a few instances of unity.
In April 2023, numerous young Burkinabe Muslims and Christians gathered in Ouagadougou’s public square at sunset to break the fast together. The event, held during Ramadan and Lent, aimed to promote religious tolerance in the face of Burkina Faso’s ongoing insurgency. Organised by a local interfaith youth group, it featured shared food and prayers as a symbolic act of unity against militant forces trying to exploit ethnic and religious divisions.[45]
On 17 June 2023, Burkina Faso and the Holy See celebrated 50 years of diplomatic relations. At a ceremony in Rome, Jean Marie Karamoko Traoré, Burkina Faso’s Minister Delegate for Regional Cooperation, described the Catholic Church as “inseparable” from the country’s development, praising its role in education, catechesis, and the empowerment of youth and women. He also expressed gratitude for the Church’s solidarity during the ongoing security crisis, noting: “Since the very beginning of the terrorist attacks, we have experienced the Church’s solidarity, compassion, and witness of love.”[46]
On 3 October 2024, interim President Ibrahim Traoré bid farewell to the Apostolic Nuncio, Mgr. Michael Francis Crotty, at the end of his mission. Mgr. Crotty expressed gratitude for the warm hospitality he received during his four years in the country, noting his satisfaction with his religious mission as the Pope's representative. He conveyed Pope Francis’s greetings and spiritual support to the people of Burkina Faso, especially those affected by terrorism. He also reaffirmed the Catholic Church’s commitment to supporting the country's development, particularly in education and healthcare.[47]
Prospects for freedom of religion
The outlook for religious freedom in Burkina Faso remains deeply concerning. The country is facing one of the world’s most severe humanitarian crises, driven by entrenched insecurity, widespread poverty, and institutional fragility. Over two million people have been internally displaced,[48] many as a direct result of religiously targeted violence. Both Christian and Muslim communities have suffered devastating jihadist attacks, with places of worship increasingly targeted during prayer services. Religious leaders are frequently abducted or killed, often with impunity. Despite official narratives suggesting progress, the government has so far failed to restore basic security or protect the right to worship — raising serious concerns for the coming two years.
Sources