CAMEROON
Legal framework on freedom of religion and actual application
The Cameroon constitution, promulgated in 1972 and amended in 2008, recognises in its preamble that “the human person, without distinction as to race, religion, sex or belief, possesses inalienable and sacred rights”. No person, the text continues, “shall be harassed on grounds of his origin, religious, philosophical or political opinions or beliefs, subject to respect for public policy”.[1]
Article 14 of the preamble declares that: “the state shall be secular” and the “neutrality and independence of the State in respect of all religions shall be guaranteed”. Article 15 adds that “freedom of religion and worship shall be guaranteed”.[2]
The law requires that religious groups receive government approval to operate and the government “may suspend the activities of unregistered groups”.[3] Registration, granted by presidential decree, allows groups to acquire property as a tax-free gift; it also facilitates the work of foreign missionaries who are allowed to apply for longer-term visas.[4]
Private schools, unlike state schools, are allowed to provide religious education. Private religious schools, on the other hand, can only operate if they meet the same educational and infrastructure standards as state schools.[5]
The main Christian and Muslim holidays are also public holidays, including Christmas, Good Friday, Easter, the Ascension, the Assumption, Eid-al-Fitr, Eid-al-Adha, and the Prophet’s Birthday.[6]
Incidents and developments
Cameroon continues to face overlapping security and religious challenges linked to Islamist insurgencies and internal separatist conflicts. Since 2014, the Extrême-Nord (Far North) region has been destabilised by Boko Haram (Jama’atu Ahl as-Sunnah li-Da’awati wal-Jihad or JAS) and, more recently, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP). Boko Haram, active in Cameroon since 2009, experienced a resurgence in 2023, coinciding with the growing presence of ISWAP in the region. These groups have employed increasingly sophisticated tactics, including the use of armed drones and explosives, especially in cross-border areas with Nigeria and Chad. Their operations have displaced more than two million people across the Lake Chad Basin and led to widespread civilian suffering, including executions, abductions, and abuses committed by both insurgents and security forces.[7]
In 2024, Boko Haram remained the most active and deadly group, responsible for 107 deaths and 69 attacks — slightly more than half the national total — despite a 28 percent decline in its activity compared to the previous year. The Extrême-Nord region continued to bear the brunt of the violence, with Boko Haram accounting for 92 percent of all attacks and 98 percent of related fatalities, underscoring the region’s persistent vulnerability.[8]
In 2024, the use of kidnapping by Boko Haram and ISWAP in Cameroon more than doubled compared to 2023. This rise follows Chadian military operations, particularly Operation Haskanite, which pushed many Boko Haram militants into Cameroon, likely prompting increased kidnappings and theft from civilians. The Multinational Joint Task Force, responsible for countering insurgency in the Lake Chad region, has faced criticism from Chad over unequal contributions, border security issues, and reluctance to confront insurgents. As a result, civilians face growing risks without coordinated military action.[9]
Reflecting the overall deterioration of the security environment, Cameroon re-entered the top ten of the Global Terrorism Index in 2024 for the first time since 2019 — highlighting the ongoing threat posed by terrorism and the erosion of civilian protection, particularly in regions marked by religious and ethnic divisions.[10]
The Anglophone crisis in Cameroon’s North-West and South-West regions remains a significant source of instability. Stemming from deep-rooted grievances over political marginalisation, economic neglect, and cultural discrimination, the conflict is fuelled by separatist groups — most prominently the Ambazonia movement — seeking independence for the English-speaking regions. While not religious in nature, the violence has severely affected local communities, including religious groups.[11] Churches and other religious institutions, often regarded as neutral spaces, have been either deliberately targeted or caught in the crossfire, and clergy have faced kidnappings and violent attacks.[12] This persistent insecurity has hindered religious organisations from conducting pastoral, educational, and humanitarian work, further aggravating the vulnerability of the affected populations. In 2024, this insurgency was responsible for roughly half of all attacks and one-third of terrorism-related deaths nationwide. The government’s reliance on anti-terrorism legislation to manage the crisis has drawn criticism from observers, who argue that it complicates prospects for a political resolution. To date, the conflict has caused more than 6,000 deaths and displaced over one million people.[13]
Separatists have kidnapped, tortured and killed civilians deemed to be government collaborators or those seen as unwilling to support insurgent activities, such as participating in economic or political boycotts. In response to the conflict, government forces have been involved in arbitrary arrests and unlawful killings, with troops committing human rights violations that include burning homes and villages, as well as acts of rape and torture.[14]
Amongst the various traditions, the Christian community is recognised as the most targeted group. In the period under review, there were numerous attacks against Christian civilians and religious leaders. In 2021, Fr. Christopher Eboka — a Catholic priest from Mamfe and former kidnapping victim — highlighted why clergy are particularly at risk amid the Anglophone crisis, despite the Church’s neutral stance. “The government,” he explained, “makes a narrative to the effect that the Church fuels the armed struggle while, on the other hand, the non-state actors make a narrative that reduces the Church to an ally of the government so as to justify their naivety of targeting the same Church.”[15]
The following are only a selection of incidents that speak to the unrest:
In early April 2023, at least 25 people were abducted in western Cameroon during a week of attacks by armed men, local officials reported. The kidnappings occurred in several villages in Ako district, near the Nigerian border. Hundreds of people fled the attacks in Abafum, Akwancha, and Abutu villages. The government deployed the military to rescue the abducted individuals and assist the injured. While the perpetrators could not be identified, officials suspect they may be extremist Fulani herders from Nigeria, who frequently clash with farmers. This region, previously a safe haven for those fleeing separatist violence, has seen rising tensions due to these militant attacks. Survivors reported torture for refusing to pay the attackers and reported missing family members.[16]
In May 2023, unidentified assailants killed two customs officers, a policeman, and a civilian in an overnight attack on a security post near the town of Mora in northern Cameroon, about 30 km from the Nigerian border. The attack was attributed to Boko Haram, which has increased its activity in the region. The mayor of Mora noted that it was the first such attack in the area since 2013. A separate assault on a military post in Ziguague resulted in the deaths of a soldier and two Boko Haram fighters. Boko Haram has been responsible for numerous attacks and displacements across Cameroon, Nigeria, Chad, and Niger since its insurgency began in 2009.[17]
In July 2023, armed groups in Cameroon’s English-speaking regions, including the army, separatists, and militias, were accused of widespread abuses such as killings, torture, and sexual violence. Separatists have targeted the Mbororo Fulani group, and Fulani militias backed by the Cameroonian military have committed atrocities against civilians. The government has been criticised for failing to investigate abuses or hold perpetrators accountable, while those who report violations often face threats, detention, and torture.[18]
On 26 September 2023, a Catholic priest, Fr. Elvis Mbangsi, was shot and severely injured when militants attacked St Martin of Tours Kembong Parish in south-west Cameroon. The priest, a member of the Mill Hill Missionaries (MHM), was shot in both legs and his left hand by suspected separatist fighters. This incident follows the brutal murder of Fr. Cosmas Ombato Ondari, a newly ordained Kenyan priest, at the same parish. The attack occurred around midday when six armed men on motorbikes entered the parish school compound, demanding the teachers come out. Fr. Mbangsi, who was in the parish house, was shot when he approached the scene. The teachers were also shot, some multiple times in the attack.[19]
In February 2024, the Marian Grotto of Our Lady of the Fields Mbandjock Parish in Cameroon’s Diocese of Obala was vandalised. Parish Priest Fr. Kisito Essele Essele condemned the act and confirmed that investigations were underway. Fr. Essele stated that the incident occurred in the early hours of 7 February, causing both material and spiritual damage, as the grotto serves as a place of prayer for many in the community.[20]
Also in February 2024, Pope Francis expressed his sorrow and invoked the Blessed Virgin Mary’s “strength and consolation” for the victims of a bomb attack in Nkambe, Cameroon, which killed at least one person and injured many others on 11 February. The explosion disrupted Holy Mass at Christ the King Jakiri Parish in Kumbo Diocese. In a message of solidarity, Cardinal Pietro Parolin said that the pope was praying for the victims' families and the eternal rest of the deceased, that he wished for a swift recovery for the injured and reiterated his call for respect for sacred spaces.[21]
According to Aid to the Church in Need International, three Catholic priests during separate incidents were kidnapped in Cameroon in 2024. All were eventually released.[22]
Catholic bishops and leaders have made an effort to preach peace
In August 2024, Archbishop José Avelino Bettencourt, the Apostolic Nuncio to Cameroon, called for an end to violence and urged the faithful to promote peace during the Diocese of Bafoussam’s Annual Peace Pilgrimage. Speaking at the Eucharistic celebration at St Joseph Cathedral, he emphasised that peace is a divine gift, while violence is a creation of evil and never justified. Cameroonian Bishop Paul Lontsié-Keuné in his homily also urged Christians to become ambassadors of peace and to participate in the 2025 presidential elections to help bring peace to the country, while also advocating for unity and rejecting tribalism.[23]
On 7 October 2024, Fr. Christophe Badjogou Komla, a Togolese Catholic priest incardinated in Cameroon’s Diocese of Yagoua, was shot and killed by alleged criminals in Yaoundé. The attack occurred around 7:30 pm outside the residence of the Missionaries of the Immaculate Heart of Mary (CICM) in the Mvolyé neighbourhood. Fr. Komla, the parish priest of Sts Peter and Paul Zouzoui Parish, was shot three times by two assailants on a motorcycle who attempted to steal his bag. He had been scheduled to travel to Italy.[24]
In January 2025, in an interview with Aid to the Church in Need, Bishop Bruno Ateba from the Diocese of Maroua-Mokolo in the Extrême-Nord region of Cameroon stressed that “weapons alone cannot defeat Boko Haram. What is needed first is education and employment. If young people have prospects, it becomes much harder for the group to recruit and indoctrinate them.”[25]
Prospects for freedom of religion
Although Cameroon’s legal framework formally guarantees religious freedom, the country’s deteriorating security situation increasingly undermines its practical enjoyment. The Far North remains especially exposed to jihadist violence, with Boko Haram and ISWAP responsible for killings, abductions, and attacks on faith-based communities, including Muslims who do not accept the extremist ideology. In the Anglophone regions, religious actors — particularly Christian leaders — have increasingly fallen victim to the separatist conflict, with both sides questioning their allegiances. Churches, schools, and clergy have come under attack — at times deliberately — while insecurity, forced and displacement have further curtailed freedom of worship.
Despite ongoing efforts by Christian and Muslim leaders to promote reconciliation and national unity, escalating violence and the lack of meaningful dialogue have severely hindered these initiatives. In this context, the outlook for religious freedom remains precarious. Without concrete steps toward political resolution and better civilian protection, violations — both direct and indirect — are likely to continue.
Sources